A Framework for Immigration: Asians in the United States by Uma A. Segal

By Uma A. Segal

Even supposing stereotypically portrayed as educational and financial achievers, Asian american citizens frequently dwell in poverty, underserved through human prone, undercompensated within the group, and topic to discrimination. even though usually perceived as a unmarried, homogenous workforce, there are major ameliorations among Asian American cultures that have an effect on their event. Segal, an Asian American immigrant herself, analyzes Asian immigration to the united states, together with immigrants' purposes for leaving their nations, their appeal to the united states, the problems they face in modern U.S. society, and the heritage of public attitudes and coverage towards them. Segal observes that the profile of the Asian American is formed not just through the immigrants and their descendents yet via the nation's reaction to their presence.

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I-468/QXD 5/31/02 9:51 AM Page 23 A FRAMEWORK FOR THE IMMIGRATION EXPERIENCE 23 structures, norms, expectations, and values differ radically from those that have been fundamental to the immigrants’ understanding of themselves. Well-understood role relationships change, and established patterns of interaction are questioned. When immigrants have the psychological strength to cope with these stresses, they are more likely to adjust and be able to control the direction of their lives. On the other hand, they may experience posttraumatic stress disorder.

As historians underscore, a significant connection often exists between the past and the present (Nehru 1946). c. Through the centuries, a distinctly Chinese civilization emerged with a unique philosophy, language, writing, and art, and it has persisted to the present. China long viewed itself as the center of the universe, calling itself Zhongguo, or the Middle Kingdom, and it saw little threat from surrounding societies that it perceived as being barbaric. Of particular concern about Chinese history is that often Chinese scholars have experienced pressure to interpret the past in conformity with the political imperatives of the present (Roberts 1998), and historians and social scientists have raised probing questions about the state of historiography in China (Shinn and Worden 1994).

Conditions resulting from such disasters may make emigration both complex and risky, and even if it is legally approved and the nation provides resources to support the movement, it is usually involuntary. Although natural disasters do not discriminate between those with resources and those without, the process of emigrating is eased for those with family and friends elsewhere and those with the financial resources to move once they can emerge from the location of the disaster. As in many other experiences in life, the process of emigration is greatly facilitated by status, resources, and experience.

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